Who’s The Real Schnorrer?
Yedioth Ahronoth (p. 1)
by Nahum Barnea
He leaned with both elbows on the narrow wooden stand of courtroom number 3 in the Jerusalem District Court, his hands intertwined, his head covered with white hair, his face agonized. An uncle from America. A Diaspora Jew. Even his English is Jewish, accented, tinged with Yiddish. Even the jokes. Even the gray business suit, which had seen better days, and the white shirt, which was big on him.
Were a film to be made about him, Walter Matthau might have been asked to play him. Or George Burns. Or Shmuel Rodensky. All three, incidentally, are no longer with us. He might be imagined taking the stage as Tevye the milkman in a production of “Fiddler on the Roof” at an old age home in Great Neck, Long Island. “If I were a rich man,” he would sing, and all the girls in the home would shed a tear.
But yesterday he was here, in Jerusalem, in the district court, giving the testimony of his life. The sense, at least mine, was growing embarrassment, shame, even anger. Not at Talansky—at Olmert. If Talansky’s testimony were true, if what he described was the ladder by which Ehud Olmert climbed to the post of prime minister, perhaps there is no choice but to search for a ladder to bring him down.
I am talking about the public aspect, not the criminal one, and on the assumption, not the certainty, that his description is rooted in reality, and not a complete hallucination or malicious fabrication.
Talansky described yesterday a senior politician, the mayor of a large city and then the deputy prime minister, who turns an American Jew into his ATM.
Talansky will pay: He will pay the difference between business class and first class on the plane. He will pay the difference between the luxurious room in the fancy hotel and a suite. He will pay the campaign expenses and the debts left behind by the elections. He will even pay for the in-house movie at the hotel.
Talansky calls himself a “schnorrer,” (a mooch) but if his descriptions are correct, the real schnorrer is the prime minister of Israel.
Let’s assume that his descriptions are false. Then too, the question should be asked who are the people who have brought Ehud Olmert this far: One a lying go-between, one an attorney whose integrity was called into question yesterday, and one woman who is maintaining the right to silence. If Talansky is a liar, then Olmert comes out looking bad, and if he is telling the truth, Olmert comes out looking even worse.
This says something not only about Olmert, but also about other figures who aspire to the throne of prime minister and about the political culture than has taken root here. A band of Israeli politicians, hedonists and power hungry, sell their birthright (by extension, the birthright given to them by the people of Israel) for a mess of pottage.
It is not only the system, which compels candidates for a political position to spend a fortune in order to be elected, but makes it difficult for them to raise money legally, which is to blame here. What is to blame is the ease with which public figures live beyond their means, the intolerable ease of the sponging, the parasitism, the illusion of “I have it coming to me.”
Not surprisingly, Talansky believes that money exempts from questioning. That’s how it is in the shtetl. He said: What is being done now (the investigations), will harm us in the long term. There was an article in the paper by a person who wrote: Get rid of all the Talanskys. Three pages before that, there was a report on the conference made by President Shimon Peres. Do you know who funded it? Sheldon Adelson. USD 3.5 million he paid. If you get rid of me, you also get rid of Adelson. Adelson was very angry at being questioned. You can get me out of bed at six in the morning. I’m a nobody. But to question Adelson, who gives USD 200 million to Jewish institutions?
In the criminal realm, as opposed to the public realm, everything is still open. Not only because Olmert is presumed innocent, but mainly because Talansky’s testimony did not prove anything: It was nothing more than a primary questioning, without cross-examination, without factual corroboration.
The State Attorney’s Office prepared the witness for testimony well. They also helped him put together a coherent version, unlike what arose from his questioning by the police, and also succeeded in creating an impression in the public that this was an eccentric, and that the expectations from his testimony were low. This way, they achieved an impressive win, and proved that the representatives of the state also know how to engage in manipulation.
Unfortunately, in this investigation, public legitimacy was given to a disgraceful concept: The investigators, so said sponsored headlines, were “briefing” the witness. And I thought that in a state of law, the witness is supposed to brief the investigators, not the other way around.
Talansky’s version, in brief, tells a love story: I loved Ehud Olmert and he loved me. I loved him for his opinions, and I loved him for his status and talent. I admired him. I worked for him for free. Like any true lover, I had to pay for love. If need be, in cash. Although I knew it was wrong. If need be, to the point of putting a lien on my property. He emphasizes: And I am no millionaire or billionaire, I’m no Rockefeller. Elsewhere, he says: I don’t live in the Regency, the St. Regis, the Ritz Carlton (hotels where Olmert stayed).
Even when Olmert offended him, for example, when he told him that he was going to visit the US for the circumcision of his son but did not bother to invite him, Talansky continued to love. I thought, he said in his testimony yesterday, that there would be a lot of important people. Honestly, I resented this. I resented it a lot.
Nonetheless, he continued to serve. To treat Olmert, according to his description, as Friday treated Robinson Crusoe, like the golem treated the Rabbi of Prague. The story he told yesterday had not been shared with anyone. He opened his mouth only when the police investigators pulled him out of bed and drove him for questioning to the National Fraud Squad headquarters in Bat Yam.
This is not the only reason that I find it difficult to treat Talansky as a hero. He spoke in his testimony about all kinds of sums, some coming from him, some from others. The total is confusing. It would be best to say, therefore, that he says that he transferred to Olmert, as donations and as a loan that was not returned, hundreds of thousands of dollars. It is difficult to believe that a shrewd person like Talansky, no matter how enamored, would transfer such large amounts from one hand to another without keeping any record. If he did this, he knew that he was an accomplice to an offense.
I was an idiot, he says today. When we are talking about such a seasoned businessman, so experienced, idiotism is no defense. I didn’t expect anything in return, he repeats, and strengthens his version by the following proof: Had he wanted favors from Olmert, he would have done business in Israel. The fact that he refrained from investments in Israel attests to his innocence.
It would have been easier to believe him had he said that his standing in the community was upgraded thanks to his ties with Olmert. Had he said that he had expectations. But Talansky was careful: Throughout his testimony he refrained from providing any cause for accusing him of bribery. Olmert’s attorneys treated him yesterday with extreme courtesy.
Their concern for his state of health, his thirst, his physical needs, was touching. First of all, they sought to disprove the allegation that Talansky was threatened. Secondly, they need him for the cross-examination. And they prefer that he come to the cross-examination in good spirits. Both in the case of Talansky and in the case of Olmert’s attorney Uri Messer, they will argue, I imagine, that the police investigators are to blame for everything: They took two weak people, broke them down and dictated a version to them.
I don’t know what Messer’s situation is. Everything that has been happening around him since the start of his questioning is odd, lacking in transparency and crying out for an explanation. But Talansky did not look broken at all. Just exhausted.
At the end of a questioning session of seven hours, he continued to be the friendly, clever old man, who chooses to pose as a dimwit. Despite all the shticks, he projected sincerity. Even his tendency to clowning, which worried the State Attorney’s Office so much, was dished out in moderation, without being tedious. Twice he cried: He cried for his sick wife, and his trampled dignity, and the stress caused to him by the investigation, and his grandchildren who began—due to the conduct of the police investigators—to doubt him, their dear grandfather, their zeyde. In the situation he has gotten into, self-pity is not uncalled for.
At the end of the testimony, in response to a question by Eli Zohar, Olmert’s attorney, he released an ethical statement. Eli Zohar wanted to get a moral writ of exemption from him. “These people,” asked the attorney, “who did not receive a salary for their expenses, don’t they deserve, at the very least, to cover their expenses?” These are charity organizations, replied Talansky, charity organizations have a responsibility towards the donors.
The Israeli government, which sends representatives (to speak in its name), it has a responsibility to remain within a framework of expenses, and not to receive a free, unbridled expense account. He said this, and left. It is interesting to consider what he will say when he returns here, if he should return.